Friday, December 30, 2016

A New Monetary System From Scratch, Part 5: Credit Loss


In Part 4, we had three people and two trades.

Fast forward.

After an unknown amount of trades the central-banker, or record-keeper, produces an overview of accounts with negative (LHS) and positive (RHS) balances (all skilo-denominated):



OVERVIEW
Deb(i)ts/LiabilitiesCredits/Rights
Otto400200Kermit
Gary50150Betty
Carol100100Megan
John2550Andy
Seven50125Taylor
625625


We could start guessing who's been trading with whom, but it doesn't matter because no one participating in the trading is interested in bilateral balances. What matters is the multilateral, overall balance of each participant.

We can tell from the overview that Otto has been on a gift-accepting, or buying, binge. 

Bad news: the following day Otto gets hit by a school bus and dies. He leaves behind no assets. A credit loss of SK400 must be recognized. Who should incur it?

Otto's account will be credited with SK400, and that entry will bring the account balance to zero. Otto's negative balance is thus settled, and the account can be deleted from the system.

Some other account, or accounts, must be debited with SK400. That's the loss part. In normal course of business, Otto would have sold goods to someone for SK400, and this someone would have got his or her account debited with SK400 without incurring any loss – the debit would have been balanced by the goods received.

Just to give you an example: If Kermit would be made to incur the loss, not only would he have previously given up goods worth SK200 without receiving anything in return, but he would need to give up further goods worth SK200 without ever receiving anything in return for any of these goods. It's like he had given a pure (but forced) gift worth SK400 to Otto.

So, which account(s) should the central record-keeper debit? Who should incur the credit loss?

I'm asking you.

There's no wrong answer, but some answers might be better than others. Things you might want to consider: fairness and participants' expectations and assumptions regarding the rules of conduct, especially given the connection to a multilateral gift economy.

I have some ideas myself, but I don't want to miss a chance for a good discussion by randomly picking just one way to do this. People together, after listening to each others' arguments, make this kind of decisions all of the time. That's how the first ever monetary system must have been built, too. (We will never know for sure.)



(Answer by leaving a comment below and risk winning a Book Prize, including a hand-written thank-you letter from me! The book is going to be a book I personally like, of course. In your answer, let me know if you'd like to enter the prize draw. Please take into account that in case you happen to win, I'll need your, or your mother-in-law's, or your neighbor's, mailing address in order to be able to deliver the prize.)

(If I don't get any answers within a couple of days, I'll enlist the help of my friend and we'll come up with fictional commenters to save my face.)

Wednesday, December 14, 2016

Nick Rowe Is Getting into Trouble


The title of this post is all too premature. But my "cunning plan" to reform Nick Rowe's thinking involves applying some pressure on him. After all, some of his ideas appear to me as lumps of coal on their way to become diamonds.

In the center of this debate is Nick's red money.[1] For Nick, a negative ("red") balance on a checking account – what is also known as an overdraft – is a medium of exchange. For Nick, a medium of exchange is 'money'. Hence, red, or negative, money.

Many might ask: How is a negative balance a medium of exchange? Nick's answer goes something like this:

Andy has a negative $100 balance on his checking account. (We could say he's in possession of 100 negative dollars.) Betty has a zero balance on her checking account, and she is allowed by her bank to "overdraw" her account.

Andy sells apples worth $100 to Betty. Betty instructs the bank to debit her account and credit Andy's account.

As her account balance is zero, Betty is in no position to transfer any "medium of exchange" to Andy. Further, Andy's account balance will be zero after the bank has made the entries. This means that Andy is not going to receive any "medium of exchange".

After the entries are made, Betty's account balance will be negative $100. Thus, it seems plausible to think that Andy transferred 100 negative dollars to Betty. Those negative, or red, dollars are media of exchange.

This is no doubt unconventional thinking (that's why I like it).

Many will protest, and have protested, by arguing that Betty transferred 100 positive dollars to Andy. But that is to adopt a purely arithmetical view on money. Yes, one can deduct 100 from zero. But one cannot pull a rabbit, or hundred rabbits, out of an empty hat (right?).

For Nick, a medium of exchange – that is, money – has to be, if not a commodity like it is for Clower, then some kind of item, a "thing". Otherwise it won't fit into the model, explicit or implicit, of a "monetary exchange economy" Nick is using. That's why Nick must reject the arithmetical view on money.

This puts Nick seemingly at odds with accounting. Accounting is, in this sense, arithmetics. Make a debit entry on an account with a zero balance and you get a debit (negative) balance. No problem. It's no wonder that many people think Nick rejects accounting. But some people think he is doing the opposite. I believe I'm mostly in the latter camp, although I see some truth in the former view as well.

We must keep in mind where Nick is coming from. It is because Nick takes into account the accounting that he has moved away from the "Clower world" or "Monetarist world" where money is a commodity – an asset to its holder but a liability to no one – by coming up with red money, which Nick says is a "liability to its holder but an asset to no one".

This is how an accountant might view this: The monetarists have been traditionally saying that money is a credit without a debit, but Nick is saying that there are also debits without credits which should be called 'money'. Nick is saying that there are not only credits but debits, too. That, to me, is a sign that Nick is actually embracing accounting. (Who knows if Nick, working for Deloitte, will be auditing the Bank of Canada in a few years' time?)

Conclusion: Nick cannot fully embrace accounting because that would require an arithmetic view on money. Nick is half-embracing accounting by trying to describe what happens in the accounting realm in the language of the physical realm.

And you know what? I think Nick has raised an important point, although he might not know it himself. If we can choose whether we want to see, in our minds, positive or negative money being transferred between accounts, then it sounds plausible to argue that in reality no money is transferred between accounts. That's what I've been arguing for long.[2] What makes this an important issue to me is that this "non-transfer" is an integral part of my interpretation of our monetary system. Within the framework I have established (see my posts: Part 1, Part 2, Part 3 and Part 4) it doesn't make sense to talk about something being transferred between checking accounts.

If something really was transferred between the accounts, then I wouldn't be describing the real monetary system.






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[1] See, for instance, Nick's posts here, here and here.

[2] Schumpeter has expressed similar thoughts (in posthumously published "Treatise on Money"):

“… in a pure account-settling system the concept of money supply would correspond to nothing at all.” (p. 244) “… in a pure account-settling system there is no analogue for the velocity of the circulation of money… Because in the account-settling system a deposit element disappears with each act of payment and a new item, just as large, is created, it makes no sense to speak of ‘the same’ deposit element just ‘changing hands’.” (p. 247)

There is also a whole branch of economics (related to the Post-Keynesian school?), called Quantum Economics, which seems to agree with the "non-transfer" view I have adopted.


Monday, December 12, 2016

A New Monetary System From Scratch, Part 4: Nick on a Trip


In my post "A New Monetary System From Scratch, Part 3" I concluded:

The central bank accountant follows two simple rules which he applies on a person-by-person basis: (1) if a person sells something, then credit her account, and (2) if a person buys something, then debit her account.

What is being recorded is how much each person has given or taken, without paying attention to who happened to be the counterparty in any particular trade. We know that Andy has taken goods worth SK100; from whom, it doesn't matter. We also know that Betty has given goods worth SK100; to whom, it doesn't matter. [1]


Before we delve further into the principles of this record-keeping system, let's assume that right after meeting Betty, Andy bumps into Carol and sells her apples priced at SK100. Following rule 1 (see quote above), the central bank credits Andy's account with SK100 and, following rule 2, debits Carol's account with SK100.

So, now we have two trades:

Trade 1: Betty gave bananas worth SK100 to Andy (without receiving anything in return)
Trade 2: Andy gave apples worth SK100 to Carol (without receiving anything in return)

 The central record-keeper was duly informed, through an electronic trade reporting system (ETRS), about both of these trades and made the following entries on people's accounts (I use "T-accounts" as visual aids):


 

(We could close the "circle" or "triangle" by having Carol sell carrots to Betty for SK100, but I don't want to do that. In reality, we always have some open balances.)

To remind you of the purpose of this record-keeping system, here's what I said in Part 2:

Our new monetary system is about keeping records of gifts given and gifts received by each person. Betty gives a gift and this (transaction) is recorded by making a credit/positive entry – the nominal value of which reflects the value of the gift expressed in terms of the abstract unit-of-account – on her account. Andy receives a gift and this (transaction) is recorded by making a debit/negative entry on his account. Nothing moves from Andy's account to Betty's account, or vice versa. There's only a real-world 'banana flow' from Betty to Andy.

When we look at the three accounts above, we can see that Andy's overall net trade is zero (he is "even"), Betty has a credit worth SK100 and Carol has a liability worth SK100. We also know that, in keeping with the "multilateral gift economy" concept, Carol doesn't owe Betty (in particular). Carol could sell carrots to anyone and in this way get rid of her liability.


Nick's world


Let us now compare our system to the monetary system Nick Rowe made from scratch here (see also my Part 1).

Let's assume Nick Rowe is "airlifted" into our imaginary economy. Not being able to speak the language, Nick has to rely on his deep understanding of both trade and accounting when he tries to make sense of the exchange system.

Nick arrives just in time to witness Andy selling apples to Carol. The first thing which catches Nick's attention is that goods flow only in one direction.

"The economy might be primitive, but at least they don't rely on barter", he mumbles.

Nick also notices that the buyer of the goods, Carol, uses some kind of electronic gadget. The seller, Andy, has a gadget, too. Right after Carol has typed something in her gadget, Andy's gadget beeps. Andy looks at the screen and gives a thumbs-up to Carol. After this, they separate.

"OK. The economy cannot be that primitive", says Nick to himself. He is quite sure they are using some kind of electronic money in this economy.

Nick is thirsty and he walks into the first building that comes his way. Unfortunately, it's not a bar. It's the central bank.

Nick seems harmless enough, so the central banker lets him have a look at the electronic ledger (an unrealistic assumption, but a fairly harmless one?). There are a lot of accounts, but only three of them have had any entries made on them, and only two have open balances (see T-accounts above).

Now Nick has seen all he needed to see in order to be able to explain how the exchange system in this economy works.

Nick explains:

First of all, we are talking about a monetary exchange economy, not unlike ours.
In Trade 1, Andy paid Betty 100 skilos for her bananas. 100 "green skilos" were transferred to Betty's account. Andy ended up having 100 "red skilos" on his account. After the trade, net money supply remained zero, while gross money supply reached 200 skilos.

In Trade 2, Andy sold apples to Carol. With the apples, Andy also delivered 100 red skilos (a medium of exchange) to Carol, thus getting rid of his liability. Now Carol is in possession of 100 red skilos.
Betty has 100 green skilos on her account and she can transfer those, as a payment, to the seller if she wants to buy some goods.
The medium of exchange, skilo, serves also as a unit of account.
[Nick continued about velocity of skilos, about IS-LM models, and so on. I left it out here because I wasn't able to follow his thought.]

Is Nick right?







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[1] Probably I should have said "...without paying undue attention to who happened to be the counterparty...". The two entries made by the central record-keeper (central bank) do reveal the counterparty, but the point I wanted to make was that the trade doesn't establish any on-going relationship between the two parties to it. For all we know, they could be strangers to each other.

Thursday, December 8, 2016

Green Stones Don't Reside on Accounts


Ostroy and Starr[1] tell a story of "a pair of Robinson Crusoes":

Two elderly, largely self-sufficient gentlemen live on an island. Having only the most anemic impulses to truck and barter, their sole contact is the irregular exchange of dinners. Since both agree that meal preparation is onerous, they take turns. However, because dinners are exchanged so infrequently and because their memories are not what they used to be, these Robinson Crusoes cannot always agree on who gave the last dinner. On several occasions both have claimed to have provided the last meal. Each gentleman recognizes that this is a self-serving claim since this is what each would like to remember, but neither is sufficiently confident of his recollection to be sure of the truth. These disagreements have produced so much tension and ill-will that dinners are now exchanged even less frequently.
To attenuate this problem, the one who is coming to dinner next picks up a stone and paints it an artificially colored green to distinguish it from other stones and brings it to his host. At the next planning session for a dinner, the most recent host will be reminded by the presence of the green stone that it is his turn to be invited, and he will be expected to bring the stone with him when he arrives. Indeed, without receiving the stone the host may feel justified in turning away his guest as not having the required evidence of an invitation.
This quite rudimentary story reveals an essential feature of monetary exchange. Money is a commonly acknowledged record-keeping device. Here the only information about the past which has to be recorded is who gave the last dinner. Each gentleman "pays" for his dinner by transferring the record of this fact to the other.

That's a nice story which reveals something fundamental about money. The story is so good that I want to write a sequel to it.

Let us assume that in addition to these two gentlemen there is a fully self-sufficient accountant (an oxymoron?), called Monday, on the island. She has a lot of spare time and wants to help the gentlemen. Being elderly, the gentlemen seem to misplace the green stone once in a while, and this has led to a time-consuming search operation on more than one occasion.

Monday suggests that instead of using the green stone as a "counter", the gentlemen could rely on bookkeeping as a record-keeping device. Monday would take care of the bookkeeping. All the gentlemen have to do is to remember to inform Monday about any trades of dinners that take place between them.

Monday finds out that Nick Sr, one of the gentlemen, holds the green stone. She takes this to mean that Abraham, another gentleman, owes a dinner to Nick Sr. Both gentlemen agree on this interpretation, although they are not sure about the total number of meals prepared by each of them over time (what is one dinner between gentlemen!).

Nick Sr gives the stone to Monday, who buries it deep in ground now that it has become redundant as a record-keeping device.

The gentlemen don't know much about accounting. This is how they imagine Monday's ledger looks like:

Abe: 0 stone(s)
Nick Sr: 1 stone

This is how the actual accounts in Monday's ledger look like (being a CPA, she couldn't help using double-entry!):

Abe: -1 dinner
Nick Sr: +1 dinner


----------------------------
End of extended story.
----------------------------


What can we learn from my extension to the original story of Ostroy and Starr?

First, that green stones don't reside on accounts.

Second, that there is no transfer of a green stone, or anything for that matter, from Nick Sr to Abe the next time the latter prepares a meal for the former.

Instead, there is a "transfer" of a meal from Abe to Nick Sr. Monday will record this meal trade in her ledger by debiting Nick Sr's account with 1 dinner and crediting Abe's account with 1 dinner. This will bring balances of both of the accounts to zero. How do the gentlemen then know who is to be invited for a dinner next time? They ask Monday, and by looking at the entries she has made she will find out that it was Abe who prepared the meal last time and is to be invited next time.

Is there a need for Abe and Nick Sr to understand how the accounting works? Does it matter if they continue to think that Monday is transferring stones between the two accounts? I don't think it matters, at least not when the economy is so simple. The only tradable good is a dinner which is assumed to not vary in terms of utility derived from it – if Abe is not as good at cooking as Nick Sr, I'm sure he makes up for it by being an otherwise entertaining host.

We cannot yet talk about a monetary exchange economy in this case. (We need another sequel for that, which in one way or another is forthcoming.) But as Ostroy and Starr write, one could say that the gentlemen "pay" for the dinner by transferring the green stone to the host. So at least in some ways the green stone is comparable to money, or currency more specifically.

With this post I wanted to draw attention to the fact that bookkeeping in a double-entry format might look quite different from record-keeping where "counters" like the green stone are used, even when the object of recording – dinners given and received – is the same.







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[1] Ostroy, Joseph M. & Starr, Ross M. 1990. "The transactions role of money," Handbook of Monetary Economics, in: B. M. Friedman & F. H. Hahn (ed.), Handbook of Monetary Economics, edition 1, volume 1, chapter 1, pages 3-62 Elsevier. ("A pair of Robinson Crusoes", p. 8-9) – There is a working paper version freely available here.

Wednesday, November 30, 2016

A Bank "Loan" Is An Overdraft; It Is Not a Loan


Nice title, huh? I'll try to explain.

Many people have argued that a "bank loan" is not really a loan, because the bank is not lending any existing money; it creates the money it "lends" on the "borrower's" account and the money is destroyed when the loan is repaid. Still, from the bank customer's perspective, it looks like a loan: he receives money on his account ("from the bank"), spends the money and has to get the (same sum of) money back on his account to be able to return it ("to the bank") when the loan becomes due.

Not so in the case of an overdraft.

By agreeing[1] with his bank on an overdraft facility (a "credit line") connected to his checking account, the customer can spend money he doesn't have[2]. The customer incurs debt by using the overdraft – in the textbook case – to purchase goods[3] and repays that debt by selling goods.

I cannot stop people imagining that there was money first borrowed and later returned in the case of an overdraft, too. One can describe an overdraft in terms of what I call a "traditional bank loan".

What I want to argue here is that this works the other way, too; that one can describe a traditional bank loan in terms of an overdraft. Furthermore, I argue that we can consider an overdraft – I'm talking about the accounting treatment – as the "base case" and view the accounting treatment of a traditional bank loan as an unnecessary complication. (If this sounds unnecessarily provocative, take it as an argument against any kind of primacy, other than chronological/historical, given to the traditional bank loan. An overdraft doesn't involve "netting" something more than a traditional bank loan involves "grossing" something.)

Imagine that the accounting treatment of all kinds of debt had always been like it is in a case of an overdraft. (Perhaps it's just a historical accident that it hasn't been?) The credit contract – which should be viewed separately from the accounting treatment – could state that the overdraft limit is to be reduced monthly by a certain sum and that the limit will reach zero in, say, 10 years (for a 10-year "loan"). The contract would also state when interest is paid (through a debit entry on the checking account, as usual).

To help you imagine that kind of world, I have created a document where I map the corresponding figures in the two alternative accounting treatments. The color of the circle tells which figures correspond. (Please note that where I write "Unused overdraft" it should actually say "Unused ovedraft + initial checking account balance". In that way it would also cover the most common scenarios where the initial balance is not zero but positive.)

Had the accounting treatment always been that of an overdraft, not of a traditional loan, the words and concepts we use might differ from what they are today.

For instance, we would repay debt when we sell goods (item #3 in my document), not when the overdraft/credit limit is reduced (item #4). The latter is how we see repayment when we think of a traditional loan. If the accounting treatments are identical in their outcome, then why this discrepancy?

As far as I know, this discrepancy is one of the main reasons why Nick Rowe thinks an overdraft is "negative money" while a traditional bank loan isn't. Another reason perhaps has to do with the maturity of the credit limit, but that is something which is specified in the credit contract, regardless of the accounting treatment. There are bank loans without any clear, pre-agreed maturity, just like there are overdrafts with a pre-agreed maturity. And even if the maturity is specified in the contract, there is nearly always a lot of flexibility involved – after all, it is quite often in the bank's interest that a customer repays his debt more slowly.

If we had never seen a "traditional bank loan", would we talk about the bank lending us money, or would we only talk about the bank extending credit to us? Would we still think that there is money on our account, and that we need that money to pay for things? Or would we just talk about "the number" on our account?

The world of overdrafts looks quite different from the world of traditional bank loans – at least to me and, so I've understood, Nick Rowe. If you don't see the difference, it might be because you try, quite successfully, to interpret overdrafts in terms of traditional bank loans. (Or then you're JKH, who is probably comfortable in both worlds.)






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[1] I'm talking about a pre-authorized overdraft, which is in practice more common in Europe than in the US. One can also "overdraw" one's checking account without any prior agreement with the bank, but in that case there will usually be penalty charges.

[2] Alternatively, we could say that the unused overdraft is money he has, although it doesn't reside on his account – and never will.

Keynes (“A Treatise on Money”, Bk 1, Ch 3, 8ii(i.) “Deposits and Overdrafts”) was of the opinion that unused overdrafts should, logically, be included in monetary aggregates:

... it is the total of the cash-deposits and the unused overdraft facilities outstanding which together make up the total of Cash Facilities. Properly speaking, unused overdraft facilities – since they represent a liability of the bank – ought, in the same way as acceptances, to appear on both sides of the account. But at present this is not so, with the result that there exists in unused overdraft facilities a form of Bank-Money of growing importance, of which we have no statistical record whatever, whether as regards the absolute aggregate amount of it or as regards the fluctuations in this amount from time to time.

Thus the Cash Facilities, which are truly cash for the purposes of the Theory of the Value of Money, by no means correspond to the Bank Deposits which are published.

I see that we have two options if we want to be logical: either unused overdrafts are money, too, or then "cash-deposits" are not money, either. I opt for the latter, not least because there is only a fine line between a pre-agreed unused overdraft and an overdraft – or a "traditional bank loan" for that matter – that the bank would be willing to provide if only the customer wanted it. Trying to find out the size of Keynes' "Cash Facilities" is much like trying to find out the total amount of purchasing power in the economy – a hopeless task, if you ask me.

[3] He could be buying and selling financial assets, but it's best to leave that alternative out of scope for now. The interpretation of that case is somewhat more complicated within the broader framework/theory I'm promoting in my posts. One day I'll get back to that.

 

Saturday, November 26, 2016

In the Land of the Color Blind, Neither a Borrower Nor a Lender Be: Part 2


In my previous post I first assumed that someone might borrow red money because he was credit-constrained (and thus couldn't buy goods without selling goods first). Then I proceeded to prove my assumption wrong, without even initially realizing what I had done (I woke up 6am this morning, and still lying in bed I realized my mistake).

By borrowing red money you receive red money, and buy buying goods you receive red money. If you borrow red money from a non-bank, and if red money can exist only as a debit balance on a checking account (which, I argue, must be the case), then the bank cannot differentiate between you buying goods or borrowing red money; the accounting entries are identical. (The same is true for selling goods and borrowing green money from a non-bank.)

I just wrote a short story about the need for collateral in the absence of trust, even when one only wants to sell goods. You find it here (Nick's blog).

So, let's forget the credit-constraint reason. The reason (for borrowing red money) I initially had in my mind when I started to write the previous post was the second one. It's this:

X wants to make a financial investment.


Financial investments in red-only world


In a green-only world, X would first sell goods and then make a loan of $1,000 to someone. In red-only world, the only way he can make a similar investment is for him to first take out a loan of $1,000 and then sell goods.

If X would take a loan of $1,000 but only sell goods for, say, $100, his investment would be 90 % debt-financed ("liability-financed" for Nick?), 10 % equity-financed. After first taking the loan, he can build his equity share by selling goods, which will be mirrored in his red money stock (a liability for him).

In red-only world, one builds a financial fortune by getting rid of borrowed red money -- while remaining a (big) borrower all along. Financial assets are red money loan contracts seen from the borrower's perspective, and holding this kind of asset is closest one can get to holding green money in red-only world.[1]

In green-only world, when the loan expires, the lender first receives money from the borrower, and then he can buy goods with the money. In red-only world, the borrower, having earlier "spent" the borrowed money by selling goods, must first buy goods to get red money (back), and when the loan expires he delivers the red money to the lender.

Is red money borrowing equivalent to green money lending, as JKH says?

In a way it is, but in another way it isn't. What happens when a loan is made?

A green money borrower acquires both an asset (the money) and a liability (the loan).

A red money borrower acquires both an asset (the loan) and a liability (the money).

A green money lender gives up an asset (the money) and acquires another asset (the loan).

A red money lender gives up a liability (the money) and acquires another liability (the loan).

Initially, I find no symmetry between the positions of a red money borrower and a green money lender. (Instead, there is clear symmetry between the positions of borrowers and between the positions of lenders.)

The position of a red money borrower is comparable to the position of a green money lender only after the former has sold goods and got rid of the liability (red money) he acquired. That's probably the equivalence JKH talks about.

We see that one can neither sell nor make a financial investment in the red-only world without first incurring a liability. And to be able to incur that liability, one has to have a checking account and either be considered creditworthy by the bank, or be able to post collateral.[2] For someone coming from the real world, this doesn't make any sense.

But I believe this is a feature, not a bug, in Nick's system. When he talks about red-only world, "Red Nick" is equivalent to "Green Clower". The requirement that one can only sell goods if one has red money is a "cash-in-advance constraint". Clower's requirement that one has to possess green money if one is to buy goods is silly, too. It doesn't make sense.

When we put the silly red-only and the silly green-only world together, we get the (slightly less silly) real world. When describing that world, we have two options:

  1. We can suggest that both green money and red money are media of exchange.
  2. We can suggest that green money is not a medium of exchange; that there is no medium of exchange, other than the record-keeping system as a whole.

Nick has chosen option 1. I have chosen option 2.







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[1] Assuming "shadow banks" are forbidden. If not, then I would establish a money market fund which would buy (investment grade) red money loans from borrowers by issuing deposit-like shares to them. These shares would probably become the green medium of exchange.

[2] My "creditworthy" is more or less the same as trustworthy. Having eligible collateral probably makes one creditworthy, in another sense of the word.

Friday, November 25, 2016

In the Land of the Color Blind, Neither a Borrower Nor a Lender Be: Part 1


(Yet another comment that became a full blog post. Actually two. Or three. Perhaps a book? This is a reply to Nick Rowe and JKH.)

JKH and Nick are creating a real challenge to anyone who wants to question the theoretical plausibility of Nick's red money construction, especially when it comes to symmetry between red and green money. Two beautiful minds put together create a real monster?

In what follows, I'll take out my two red pennies' worth.

Here JKH repeats one of Nick's key assumptions in red-only world, namely that you cannot sell if you don't possess red money:
He wants to sell something for $ 1,000 so he requires a red money balance to sell it.
So customer X borrows $ 1,000 in red money.

But why doesn't X just buy something for $1,000, receive $1,000 in red money from the seller, and then sell himself? Why would he want to borrow red money?

I see two options (if first is true, then the second kind of follows; but the second can exist independently of the first). To keep this post from becoming way too long, I'll leave the second option for another post. Here's the first one:

  1. X is credit-constrained, which means that he cannot buy first and thus acquire a liability (red money).

 

Credit constraints


If you are totally unworthy of credit, you cannot incur financial liabilities. This is true both in green-only and red-only world. For you to incur a financial liability, there has to exist someone who considers you creditworthy and this someone has to be in a position where he can make it possible for you to complete the transaction – usually a purchase of goods/assets – as part of which you acquire the financial liability.

Red money, unlike green money, cannot be a (broadly defined) bearer instrument. A record has to be kept of the owner of the underlying liability, and the transactions involving transfer of liability. If I remember correctly, Nick has tried to justify "red paper money" (cash) by a garbage metaphor, where red cash is like garbage. But it seems hard to come up with a system which could help enforce the rule that you cannot dispose of the red cash other than by selling goods.

I see no reason why we shouldn't avoid this control/enforcement problem by assuming that there is no (physical) red paper money in existence; all we have is a more or less centralized record-keeping system run by a bank or banks. That system is the easiest way to establish the control required.

If red money is a record of a liability, then what is its holder liable to do and how did the first piece of red money come to exist? Remember that we are still in red-only world.

Red money is a liability to sell goods. (Green money gives a right to buy goods.) One acquires red money – once there is some in existence – by buying goods.

For the "origin myth", it seems we need to turn to Nick's garbage metaphor. As Nick says, garbage is a bad, not a good. The first red money must have come into existence through a sale of a bad. Perhaps like this:

There's a public disposal facility for radioactive waste (DFRW). The private producers of radioactive waste are under government surveillance, and they must deliver the waste they produce to the DFRW. How are the private waste producers made to pay for this public service? Remember that there is no money in existence. One option would be to make them pay in kind, by delivering goods to the government (for public use). But that's not convenient.

Let's assume that a standardized sack of wheat (WS) functions as a numeraire and a unit of account (see my first post for an explanation) in the economy under study. To avoid the inconvenience of payments in kind, the DFRW, our proto-central-bank, comes up with an ingenious record-keeping system:

It creates a ledger which includes "checking accounts" for all the radioactive waste producers – all these are trusted corporate citizens. The DFRW sets a fixed price, expressed in WS, on radioactive waste. When a waste producer delivers (ie. sells) waste, the DFRW makes, say, WS10,000 debit entry on the customer's checking account. Following the principle of double-entry bookkeeping, the DFRW makes a WS10,000 credit entry on its own account called "Waste stock". In conventional accounting language, the waste stock is a liability of DFRW (we find it on the RHS of balance sheet). Likewise, the customer's debit balance – only debit or zero balance is allowed – on a checking account is said to be an asset of the DFRW (LHS of balance sheet).

Before the customer leaves the premises, the DFRW and the customer together set a payment schedule. This schedule defines when the debit balance on the checking account is going to be reduced, and finally closed, by the customer. How can the customer, the waste producer, reduce its debit balance? By selling goods ("earning credits").

We have just witnessed the birth of red money.

But how does it become a medium of exchange? I see at least two ways to make it such (and these can be combined):

1. The State Theory of (Red) Money

The government establishes a special negative tax, in the form of lottery (positive taxes are already paid in kind, so I will call the recipient of this negative tax a taxpayee; it could be understood as "payer of red money"). To be eligible to receive this tax, a taxpayee has to be creditworthy enough so that the DFRW agrees to open a checking account in his name. Having opened an account with the DFRW, the taxpayee can buy goods from the waste producers by accepting "red money": his account is debited, the waste producer's account is credited. His purchases are limited by the "max debit" limit (conventional language: overdraft limit) connected to the account. Just like the waste producers, he has to agree on a payment schedule with the DFRW. Just like the waste producers, he reduces his debit balance by selling goods (incl. services, incl. labor).

It's time for the negative tax lottery. The government will select at random, say, 1000 checking accounts which it will credit with a random sum between WS10 and WS1000 – but only if the account has a debit balance that covers the credit entry.

OK. You probably get the idea. (If you don't, we can continue in the comments. This post is too long already.)


2. The Debt Binge Theory of (Red) Money

Who wouldn't want to buy stuff first, pay only later? Now it's made easy – for all creditworthy agents. Just open a checking account at DFRW and start accumulating debits. Perhaps you're a large scale user of electricity? Now you can buy it from your local nuclear plant by accepting red money from it. And you can rest assured that your customers are happy to buy goods from you in the same way, by accepting your red money.

Read my lips: This red money thing is going to snowball into a widely accepted medium of exchange!


OK. In this post we have dealt with some fundamentals of a red-only economy. In the next post we will get to look at the interesting stuff Nick and JKH are discussing, like the red money loans which I already mentioned.


UPDATE:

As you might have already realized, if X in JKH's example is severely credit-constrained (totally unworthy of credit in the eyes of the DFRW) he can neither buy first nor take out a loan of red money (from a non-bank). The latter would involve a debit balance on his checking account, and the DFRW wouldn't approve of it. From this it follows that collateral must play a decisive role in a red-only world. Logically, one must be able to sell first even if one's promises are valued at zero.

More on this in the next post!